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Expert at handling work for both employers and senior executives, the department regularly advises on appointments, exits and disputes relating to CEOs, board members and senior executives of major clients. The team also has capabilities in strategic advisory work for multinational clients and in industrial relations matters.

Daniel Naftalin. Commercial advice that is delivered in a swift, considered and pro-active way. They are available, efficient, practical, enthusiastic, direct and jargon free. At the top the market for high end employment litigation, dealing with more cases than many other firms put together involving team moves, confidential information, restrictive covenants, injunctions, together with high end high profile tribunal litigation.

Leaders in their field. They have a diverse client base and considerable strength in depth, both at partner level and below. The team is comprised of experienced and committed employment law experts, who are comfortable acting in the Employment Tribunal and the High Court on the full range of employment-related disputes.

Joanna Blackburn is simply the best in her field. Susannah Kintish — completely on it; so smart and disarmingly engaging. Jennifer Millins — clever, able, sensible — a great all rounder and up and coming partner. Daniel Naftalin is leading the charge of the next generation of high end employment litigation: great on strategy and commercials.

Joanna Blackburn — a real fighter with the intellect and strategic acumen to back it up. Puts up with no nonsense. Effective and responsive. The best. It is best known for its litigation prowess in matrimonial finance cases at all levels, including the Supreme Court and the Privy Council. Barbara Reeves. A background in commercial law has given Barbara the ability to respond fast and efficiently no matter how much pressure is applied.

She always sees right into the heart of a problem and has the rare capacity to understand how to manage individual needs in individual situations. She knows everyone and everything. She is quietly confident and a total rock for all her clients. She is an exceptional practitioner who goes above and beyond. She has endless drive and energy to get a good result, and has excellent judgment. Claire Yorke has developed a rich and interesting practice by dint of hard work and ability.

Emma Willing impresses with her hard work and dedication to her cases. She has extraordinary tact and patience with clients. Dan Beattie is a great lawyer. He gives realistic and sensible advice. He has a winning sense of humour and a real spark which clients love. Claire Yorke outperforms all her peers. She has the confidence to handle the biggest cases against all the big players — she takes the opposition head on and invariably wins.

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They really are top-tier. What differentiates them is the respective teams really can gel well to get to the crux of the issues, which cannot be said for many other big-name firms that use various teams in multiple departments with no flow or collaboration.

The gaming team can cover any issue from any department as it is managed so seamlessly. I have always liked working with Mishcon and did many, many deals with them as a lawyer in a different capacity over the years, but I have been blown away at the level of competency this year with some very tricky and complex regulatory matters.

Niki Stephens is also experienced in the UK requirements. Susan also makes herself available at short notice, never misses deadlines, however tight and offers different solutions to problems. She is able to influence decision making with her wide knowledge rather than just being able to carry out specific requirements.

Recent engagements have involved invalidity proceedings, infringement and passing-off actions, claims of unlawful parallel imports and innovating website blocking injunctions. The team is also highly active in the sports, media and entertainment fields.

Other recommended lawyers include Cassandra Hill. Jeremy Hertzog. They picked up my business issues and fully understood the complexity in a very short period of time. He knows which fights are worth fighting and which the clients should avoid. As a partner he has remained always in the legal proceedings and is always available at the end of a phone.

My kind of lawyer. The sharpest mind I have seen, dedicated, customer focused and detailed. Andrew Goldstone. In the private client industry, having winning, charismatic and gifted lawyers is key, as it is a personal business. She also has expertise in dilapidation matters and lease renewals, and is the main contact for telecoms sector work.

Daniel Levy. Chhavie Kapoor is an outstanding lawyer — technically excellent, innovative and solution-driven. Cannot be faulted. Daniel Levy — strong reassuring presence for clients. Great on tactical issues Chhavie Kapoor — excellent rights of light experience. Joanna Lampert — a great street fighter. Inspirational leadership by Daniel Levy. Aggressive growth in numbers, all quality hires, and all rushed off their feet with work despite their numbers.

Quality of work they have is breathtaking, real spread of clients from blue-chip to wealthy individuals. Joanna has grit, determination and a fantastic brain. Daniel has charm, energy and shrewdness without peer. Top of the pile. This is deployed to advise a range of clients including domestic and overseas high-net-worth individuals, as well as developers, investors, banks and onshore and offshore investment funds.

Alongside extensive conveyancing work, the team offers services in refinancing, tax structuring, planning and construction. James Liffen , made up to partner in , advises on complex deals involving shared ownership, auction sales, portfolio purchases, tenancy and planning issues.

Sonal Thakrar. James Liffen ; Julie Bond. They are all highly professional so there is no difference in quality of service when switching between team members, which occasionally happens on longer transactions. We have never failed to get a deal that I wanted to complete to a satisfactory conclusion. The firm always meets all of our deadlines, offers excellent advice and assist with the structuring of transactions and the drafting of documentation if so required.

The size gives immense strength in depth and a huge level of communal knowledge. His advice actually helped me make decisions, and I was very impressed by his commitment and dedication. I could not have been happier with the way he dealt with my case. He is supported by a strong team — clients love them. They go the extra mile. Extremely thorough, gets to the point of an issue quickly. Tenacious, someone you really want on your side. Headed by acquisition and sales expert Nick Doffman , the practice serves as a one-stop-shop for development and investment work with the ability to call upon dedicated teams for planning, construction, real estate tax and finance.

Stephen Hughes is a key name for portfolio transactions, joint ventures and structuring, with the team also concentrated on inward investment matters, especially those coming from the Far East. A key differentiator is the firm's dedicated asset classes group which holds expertise in respect of the build to rent, student accommodation and senior living sectors.

Nick Doffman. He has great deal acumen and is in tune with what is going on in the overall market. Sarah Houghton. The team members work closely with experienced counsel and economists to ensure that the claim is realistic and focused, without bringing fanciful points that burn costs through interlocutory proceedings. They also work closely with funders to come up with innovative funding packages.

The associates are keen beans with energy and focus. The partners are experienced and not afraid to roll up their sleeves and add real value in strategic focus. He has in-depth knowledge of how to successfully claim damages for breaches of competition law. There are a lot of people trying to be claimant lawyers — Rob has done so with success. Also notable is legal director Matt Hancock , who also has experience advising clients with issues where employment and regulatory law intersect.

Adam Epstein. Guy Wilkes ; Matt Hancock. He is a creative lawyer who goes the extra mile for his clients. The firm continues to see an uptick in instructions involving NCA investigations, acting for individuals who are the subject of Unexplained Wealth Orders UWOs and account freezing orders. It is often instructed in cross-border cases and has dealt with the DoJ, IRS and various European enforcement agencies.

Jo Rickards. Joanna Blackburn. Jennifer Millins ; Greg Campbell. A part of this stems from the unusual willingness of the teams within the to cross-refer cases and collaborate. The group receives instructions from a predominantly claimant client base, composed of high-net-worth individuals HNWI and corporations, but is also adept at assisting publishers, editors and journalists. Drawing on the firm's full-service capability, the practice routinely works alongside other teams, such as employment, white-collar crime, investigations and cyber intelligence, to address clients' most pressing and highly sensitive reputational issues.

Emma Woollcott. James Libson ; Alexandra Whiston-Dew. Sally Britton ; Lewis Cohen. Clients include businesses of all sizes, from large FTSE listed global companies to fast growing entrepreneurial businesses and private equity-backed companies. Stephen Diosi. Caroline Nye-Wilkins. Few other firms can boast the same assured, coherent, accurate, practical and action-oriented approach. He always makes himself available when needed and never seems to tire of the endless questions we seem to have!

He is able to answer queries clearly in business language. Stephen is also very personable and has been quick to form good relationships with all contacts within our company. Enthusiastic, positive, clear communication, very responsive, practical, highly knowledgeable, checks for understanding, never assumes clients know more than they do. A joy to work with, taking the time to understand their clients business and designing a solution that will drive the right outcomes. Always personable and professional with an excellent knowledge base.

Timely responses, totally professional attitudes and technical expertise are hallmarks of their service. We have worked with the team for many years, and never experienced anything other than excellent responses from them. Lewis Cohen. Led by Sonia Campbell and Richard Leedham , Mishcon de Reya LLP acts for policyholders in insurance disputes involving property damage, broker negligence, business interruption and directors and offices insurance.

The team acts exclusively for policyholders in insurance disputes; Leedham has broad experience in insurance litigation, while Campbell is singled out for her work in the life sciences sector. Richard Leedham ; Sonia Campbell. David Rose. David Rose has brought considerable experience in this field to them, including telecoms litigation which is a sub-speciality in itself! The team is well set up for high-value patent cases and understands well the strategic role this type of litigation can play.

Kevin McCarthy. Richard Tyler ; Ross Bryson. Mishcon de Reya LLP is known for its strong comprehensive brand protection and development practice. The group is primarily active in cross-border matters, including for US firms seeking counsel for their clients in the UK and Europe, but also fields a busy domestic practice.

With its wide sector coverage and especially created brand management business, MDR Brand Management, the team remains a preferred choice for an impressive string of high-profile clients. Sally Britton is the head of the practice. Ray Black retired in Sally Britton.

The practice has recently grown its list of local government clients as well as being instructed on an increasing number of matters with complex environmental elements. Anita Rivera. Daniel Farrand ; Tom Barton. They are approachable and personable, unlike any other firm. He has incredible commercial acumen for a planning lawyer and advice is given with commercial factors borne in mind which sets him apart from his peers.

Great value for money. He is also very approachable and accessible which makes it very easy to build a strong working relationship. Matters include buyouts, exits, and investments. Nadim Meer. Andrew Rimmington ; Lucinda Brendon. It also handles internal investigations involving employee dishonesty and bribery.

The firm is seeing an uptick in instructions relating to unexplained wealth orders and account freezing orders, and also private prosecutions. Top-notch professionals with deep knowledge and expertise in their respective areas. This is exactly how a client relationship should be and I can only wish that other professional service providers would have the same approach vs.

The group has developed a niche in employment tax and disputes connected with the national minimum wage. Leslie Allen. Innovation and technology are key areas for the firm, with particular strength in AI and cybersecurity matters. He co-leads the team with Jeremy Hertzog , who is known for IP protection and enforcement matters.

Adam Rose ; Jeremy Hertzog. Richard Leedham. It has an exceptional pool of talent at partner and associate level and is able to resource teams for the biggest and highest pressure commercial cases. Kas Nouroozi is still at the top of his game. Hugo Plowman, goes from strength to strength every year.

Richard Leedham is incredibly creative, hugely experienced and very knowledgeable and calm. Rib Wynn Jones is a force of nature; particularly on fraud cases. A very tough litigator but measured and sensible, at the same time. She is very bright, very quick; you need only say something once. Clare Freshwater is astonishingly efficient, remembers everything and always knows where everything is.

A crucial link in any case. She always thinks through the issues in the case thoroughly and always reacts in a way that is considered rather than kneejerk. A very impressive work ethic reflected in her excellent knowledge of large scale litigation, and accessibility. In addition, it has developed a strong capability handling the tax aspects of private equity transactions.

John Skoulding ; Jonathan Legg. Jargon free. Inventive effective and rapid. Very capable and experienced and knows how to manage the tax aspects of a deal. Adam Rose. Jon Baines is a nationally recognised expert adviser, and was an excellent hire. They are highly efficient and provide excellent deliverables within short time lines thus saving on costs. They are very much down to the smallest of details and at all times show great knowledge in the many facts of the case.

Great understanding for the business. Ability to lead case-strategy and case-management. Very efficient in the deliverables thus reducing on costs. Highly experienced in International Arbitration with both private and government entities. Very much down to the details. His expertise is in both contentious and non-contentious IP, together with commercial and regulatory matters.

Martyn Hann. David Rose ; Stefania Littleboy. His commercial acumen coupled with an eye for graded risk is what sets him apart. It really feels like he lives the business with us. His counsel is held in the highest regard. Raji Bartlett , who is particularly strong in advising on student accommodation developments, is also recommended. Nick Strutt. Raji Bartlett. The team are very professional and experienced, and this comes across in their efficiency and confidence to deal pragmatically with the challenges faced in transactions.

Derval Walsh. Samantha Kakati ; Henry Farris. Richard Gerstein. The team brings a very high level of legal knowledge and has good people at all levels, so they have the right people doing the right job. The success of the team is very much linked with the skills of Richard Gerstein, who heads the team. He has a very good legal mind and does not shy away from expressing his views.

That said, he takes advice and makes astute tactical decisions. He has a good relationship with clients built on trust and years of good service. Hunter has a background as a quantity surveyor, providing him with greater insight into the field. Simon Hunter. Justine Ayto. Very proactive, approachable and team focused, with a commercial approach.

Very pragmatic and commercial advice and support. David Rose ; Sally Britton. Mishcon de Reya LLP 's strong regulatory and tax capabilities make it well-placed to advise GPs on all the complexities associated with different fund structures and terms. Greenaway is leading the advice to new London-based special situations manager Inspirit Capital on launching its first fund.

Daniel Greenaway. Daniel Greenaway is incredibly dedicated to his clients and nurtures them through the process — not providing big blustery advice, but tailored and practical. In particular, he is familiar with the difficulties faced by new GPs raising their first funds, bringing his experience to guide them in this process. Kamal Rahman. He will carefully assemble and supervise a team for each case he does and pursue it with vigour.

Very easy to work with and excellent client handling. They are extremely knowledgeable whilst also providing solutions and advice that is always tailored for the client and easy to understand. The most valued quality with the team is that they take the time to build a relationship with you as a client making it a pleasure to work with them. I have huge admiration for her energy and joie de vivre.

Every member of the team is extremely technically competent, but I think the combination of their can-do attitude taken together with the almost personal nature of many of their client relationships is really what sets them apart from the rest. They have a wealth of experience in many sectors and internationally, which is invaluable for multinational clients.

Baylis, who is a UK and EU competition specialist, is frequently instructed to advise clients on package travel regulations, EU-wide regulatory issues and data protection laws. He also reviews commercial agreements including complex hotel franchising and management agreements. Clients include domestic corporations and foreign corporations with a UK commercial presence. Neil Baylis. Founded by Victor Mishcon in a one-room office in Brixton in , it now employs more than people, with over lawyers offering a wide range of legal services to companies and individuals.

Mishcon de Reya services an international community of clients and provides advice in situations where the constraints of geography often do not apply. The work the firm undertakes is cross-border, multi-jurisdictional and complex. We appreciate the privilege of sitting alongside our clients as a trusted advisor. Building strong personal connections to our clients and their businesses is important to us. The firm: Mishcon de Reya prides itself not only on the diverse range of legal services that it offers as a practice, but also on the diverse range of people who provide those services.

Types of work undertaken: Mishcon de Reya has acted in some of the most high-profile and ground-breaking cases in the industry. Some of our recent experience includes:. The corporate department advised online gambling operator and existing client JPJ Group plc on the completion of its c. Gamesys is a developer of platform software and bingo games for, and operator of, real money online gambling websites and apps.

The case raises important issues of jurisdiction and Swiss banking secrecy law. The department also advised Hyperion Insurance Group on one of the most significant team move claims of the year and the Jewish Labour Movement in relation to the referral of the Labour Party to the Equality and Human Rights Commission on issues of antisemitism. On the Senior Executives side, the department acted for a number of business founders, CEOs and Board Directors on market sensitive appointments, exits, high profile litigation and negotiating contracts and severance, including advising Nawaf Hasan, the former Middle East and North Africa Director at Arthur J Gallagher on a high profile team move dispute and Professor Marjan Jahangiri on a successful application for injunctive relief in the High Court.

The family department acted for a Kuwaiti business woman and a member of a wealthy Middle Eastern family in relation to a complex divorce, financial remedy and Children Act proceedings. Several illegal betting syndicates place wagers on fixed games using legal, Asia-based online betting sites layoff and players. Players are often in contact with multiple bookmakers and will often freely discuss them, perhaps even offering an introduction.

It is not uncommon for a bookmaker to pay a referral fee to a player who is bringing in new players. The aforementioned description accounts largely for independent bookmaking operations, but some act as a proxy for other, larger bookmakers. One example is in Thailand, where a call centre was set up in Bangkok to act as an intermediary between bettors in the country and an overseas bookmaker.

In this system, the intermediary will set up bank accounts to receive wagers from bettors and then place the bets for them online. Another example in Jakarta, Indonesia, involved a similar system,. Endemic match-fixing in sport will mean the loss of credibility for games and thus the loss of fans.

Undermining authority; defeating ambition Keir Radnedge explores how corruption in sport damages the reputation of governing bodies, undermines trust among fans and ruins the aspirations of athletes as well as officials. Such fixing may not have been motivated directly by money, but in other cases it was. In , three Sheffield Wednesday players — including England players Peter Swan and Tony Kay — were banned for throwing a match to suit a betting scam.

That was nearly 50 years ago. Despite all the concern that sport must be kept clean to maintain its credibility for the public, sponsors and broadcasters, the situation now is immeasurably worse; as the amount of money at stake in betting and in the sport sector generally has risen, so corruption has spread. In , the IOC was galvanised into action by a general fear that the Games were losing credibility and thus sponsor revenues through widespread doping practices.

East Germany no longer exists and is easier to pinpoint for blame than other countries that continue to sit at the top table. Also, the East Germans kept such meticulous records that the system which created a record-feeding frenzy — not only in athletics but swimming and other individual disciplines — has been laid bare.

Most important of all has been its persuasion of governments — as evidenced by the rush to adherence via UNESCO — that sports doping falls within the ambit of drugs criminality. To be fair, most governments needed little persuading because drugs and drugs trafficking were already illegal. Galvanised into action The crux of the issue is that governing bodies tainted by any association with corrupt practices come to lack the moral authority to lay down and enforce laws on corruption further down the sporting chain.

At a coaching and competitive level, that means doping and match-fixing. One major blot on the sporting landscape has been the sad fact that Spain is only now bringing its legislation into line with WADA requirements. However, persuading governments that match-fixing should also be a criminal offence has been much more difficult.

I will be upgraded to European champion from last year as a result of Arzhakova being banned. But it makes me sick that I was denied the opportunity to do a lap of honour. I am sure that when we went down it was because there were agreements between other clubs for determined results Everyone knows it. Only if sport can be seen to be cleaning up its own nest can it hope to persuade governments to act against the international criminality that capitalises on human avarice and the simplicity of results fixing for the purposes of both multi-billion-dollar profits and international money laundering for a wide range of other illicit operations.

He came into office earlier this year leading on a pledge to root out match-fixing in the Spanish game, which has been plagued down the years with rumours of illicit payments in the last rounds of matches. If there can be rotten games, it means the competition is not in order. From the league to the media we are not supporting this as it needs to be. In La Liga we need to make a further step in denouncing what is going on.

There is a type of corporate defence, a misunderstood feeling of companionship We must get rid of this. Friedrich Stickler, head of European Lotteries and ex-president of the Austrian football federation, believes it is not only the sports family that needs to appreciate its responsibility to society at large; so do governments.

Vulnerable players Football match-fixing generates the largest volume of criminal revenues through the internet-driven betting rings. The assumption remains that players at the highest level earn so much money they are beyond bribery. An effigy of Lance Armstrong that criticises his doping offences, which embroiled the International Cycling Union in a row over its efficacy in confronting doping allegations. I have apologised on numerous occasions to the UCB, the cricketing public and most important to my former teammates.

I deeply regret my actions and wish to apologise to those I caused harm. For example, in China the population has lost trust and confidence in our sport completely and the stadia are almost empty. Football is not alone and exposed. Every sport is at risk. Former international cricket player Saleem Pervez, who died earlier this year, once confessed to having paid top players to fix matches on behalf of bookmakers as far back as Three players, including former captain Salman Butt, were jailed by a London court in Activists praise disgraced late cricketer Hansie Cronje for admitting he had taken money from bookmakers.

Haroon Lorgat, former CEO of the International Cricket Council, has expressed a concern that driving the fixers out of the international arena has merely pushed them into domestic competitions where such activities may be even harder to police. It has moved. Keeping fixing scandals at bay Most sports have had some kind of fixing scandal, but not every sport has woken up to a need to invest heavily in trying, as best it can, to keep the cancer at bay. Then our sport will lose its credibility and you cannot get it back.

Also, you cannot get the sponsors back either. In the meantime, while efforts to bring governments into the action continue to move forward, sport has to fight its own fight for its own sake. Players need to feel empowered and supported in order to be able to report what they need to when they are approached by organised syndicates. After he exposed certain match-fixing activities of teammates in the lower divisions in Italy, no one else there would give him a job.

Keir Radnedge is a columnist and former editor of World Soccer magazine. He can be found on Twitter: KeirRadnedge, and at www. However, from the sheer volume of cases that have come to light, few doubt that there has been a step increase in the prevalence of fixing in the past 12 years.

What can be done? To organise thoughts, it is useful perhaps to start with an economic model. Since the pioneering work on the economics of crime by Nobel Laureate Gary Becker, economic models have been employed successfully to help us understand trends in crime-rates and to identify policies that might work to reduce offending. Applying such models in the context of match-fixing is therefore likely to prove fruitful in generating ideas for action. A starting point is to think of a fix as something that is bought and sold in a marketplace, albeit an illegal one that is usually well hidden from view.

In this marketplace there are sellers and buyers: there is a supply side and a demand side, as there is in any other kind of market. On the supply side are the sports insiders, who most commonly are players or referees. Other possible candidates for delivering a fix, and therefore for trading in this market, include owners, coaches and even the medical staff of a sports club. All these groups have the ability to influence the probability that their team will win the match.

The demand for fixes comes from criminals for whom a fix enables profits to be made on the betting market that operates alongside a sports event. David Forrest examines the market for match-fixing, identifying policies that could be adopted to restrict supply and limit demand, and explores how reward systems could be designed to disincentivise corruption. For the volume of fixes to increase there needs to be an increase in either supply or demand. The most obvious explanation for the current increase in sports corruption is that there has been a rise in demand for fixes because it is now possible to make much bigger betting gains from a fix than it was in the past.

The key to how much money a criminal can make by fixing a match is the size of the bet he can place. This is determined by the amount of liquidity in the betting market. According to data from CK Consulting, the size of the global sports betting market tripled between and , as the industry and the product were transformed in the new online world.

The depth of betting markets on even relatively minor competitions became sufficient to support very large bets that would win very large sums. Volumes in Asian markets are therefore now sufficient to support very large bets. Moreover, these markets are non-transparent and are unmonitored by regulatory authorities, such that in the event of any suspicion arising around a sports event, investigators could not subsequently trace the bets back to their source.

In the well known criminal case in which a gang based in Bochum, Germany, was found to have fixed more than football matches across 13 countries, prosecutors estimated that the group had won tens of millions of dollars betting on Asian markets in just one year. It is a reasonable story to account for the epidemic of fixing to say that huge growth in betting volumes in markets without effective regulation has made fixes more economically valuable than they used to be.

The increased value of fixes has drawn more criminal groups to the market — there has been an increase in demand for fixes. An increase in demand pushes up prices and more participants are then persuaded to fix. It appears to feature a dangerously high level of fixing, enough perhaps to lead to loss of confidence in the sports product.

What policy options exist to push the prevalence of fixing down? Of these, the onus in the first approach of disrupting trade would likely fall largely on law enforcement agencies. But there are some measures that sport itself can take in this category. For example, tennis has banned cell phones from player changing rooms, and the US National Basketball Association NBA names referees only shortly before a match in order to minimise the time available for a fix operation to be organised.

Policies in the second category largely lie beyond the influence of sports federations. Indeed, even national regulators of betting markets, for example in Europe, are constrained to the extent that the bulk of liquidity in betting markets even on sports events taking place in Europe lies in Asia, outside of their jurisdiction. Of course, they still need to guard against domestic fixing, where the. Ante Sapina speaks with his lawyer in a courtroom in Bochum, where he is on trial for fixing 43 football matches as part of a criminal gang that is alleged to have rigged a total of matches.

Some of the sports most at risk have invested in integrity and intelligence units instigators probably lie close to the sport itself and the confederates organising the fix do not have the knowledge to bet outside their territory. But this is not the style of fix that is driving the recent apparent explosion in fixing.

The scope for sport to take action The category of policies where sport itself can take the lead is the third one. Although it is only legislators and the judicial system that are able to provide some forms of deterrent for example prison terms for offenders who are caught , there is still considerable scope for sport itself to implement policies designed to make players and others less able or less ready to supply fixes.

Referees can, in some sports and to some extent, be taken out of the pool of potential suppliers of a fix by. In ice skating, the number of judges in major competitions has been increased, reducing the influence of any one individual. These are useful policies to address potential corruption by some actors in some sports. Other sports might consider whether there is scope for similar systems to be put into place. But these are not universal solutions. For all sports, the fundamental issue is whether they can take measures that make players less likely to accept a given inducement to fix.

Designing measures to modify individual choices requires a framework for understanding how these choices are made in the first place. Economists in many settings have gone a long way by representing those who make choices as weighing up the benefits of a course of action against the costs.

In our context, if an athlete is offered a bribe of a certain amount,. To summarise, the expected cost of participation in a fix will be greater the greater the chance of being caught, the greater the future earnings put at risk, the greater the loss of sporting glory from what is required in return for the bribe, and the greater the moral qualms he or she has.

Sport can influence the individual decisions of sportspeople by working on each of these components. As in all crime, increasing the probability of detection is important and some of the sports most at risk by virtue of the level of betting interest associated with them have invested in integrity and intelligence units that can make a difference here.

However, addressing the other factors influencing the decisions of players requires a wider range of policies that are all related to good governance. For example, part of good governance is to treat players fairly.

In many historic cases of fixing, such. So what are the costs to be weighed up against the money on the table? The costs are in fact uncertain because the athlete does not know whether or not he or she will be caught and punished. In the general case, this will have three components. The second relates to the value that they place on loss of sporting reputation or glory from underperforming during the match; for example, losing a match may deprive them the chance of obtaining a trophy.

The third cost relates to moral anguish from knowing that he or she has betrayed the principles of sport, the fans, and so on. In contemporary European soccer, clubs in some leagues regularly fail to pay wages on time. Presumably, fixers understand that they will be more successful in buying a fix if they target players who feel resentful. In this respect, sport is just like other sectors in which corruption is an issue.

Any workforce in which outside agents have an incentive to offer large bribes are vulnerable if pay is low. Of the matches discovered to have been fixed in European soccer, the largest number were in second-tier divisions in which pay is modest and potential bribes are high, because liquidity in betting markets is still sufficient for large bets to be placed. There have been several instances of players reporting having been offered bribes to lose matches in the early rounds of even very high-profile tennis tournaments.

The proven cases of fixing in football have featured quite a high number of matches in the early stages of the UEFA club competitions and even the early rounds of the FIFA World Cup itself. Why are early rounds of elimination tournaments at such risk?

Most of the matches offer little prize money for advancement to the next stage. Moreover, it is typical that even when a player or team is the favourite for that match, they or it has no reasonable prospect of progressing further than one more round.

Therefore, the cost of cheating to lose is low in terms of prize money and potential for sporting glory. This framework for thinking about how players make decisions suggests a high-integrity risk in this situation if the betting market on the match has enough liquidity to support large bets. Players were instructed to lose and. Pay and prize structures Increasing pay is not always an option for financially challenged clubs and leagues, and high pay is not effective insurance against fixing for all players.

For example, veterans have little to lose from fixing because they place little future income at risk if they offend. In many sports, rewards come in the form of prize money rather than pay, and in all sports, the dream of glory is also a powerful motivation. Given this, incentives also have to be considered in terms of the structure of prize money and, indeed, tournament design more widely. Had FK Pobeda progressed to the next round it would almost certainly have lost, because clubs from stronger countries join the competition at that point.

The incentive to offend will have been strong, and similar situations face many players and teams during the sporting calendar. Could their behaviour be tilted? In designing tournaments, many considerations apply, but with threats from betting-related corruption so real, sport must at least be prepared to include thinking about incentives against fixing in all its decisions. In the decisions it takes on tournament design, it should attempt to make success for players and teams more important in as many matches as possible.

Government action on match-fixing Chris Eaton, director for sport integrity at the International Centre for Sport Security, discusses the importance of taking action against match-fixing at governmental and transnational levels.

Around the world, there is a collision between three international economic giants that is creating a perfect storm of damage to international sport, and it seems that only leadership from world governments can contain it.

These colliding global economies are international: 1 sport; 2 betting on sport; and 3 organised crime. What the results from this unfolding collision will surely determine is the social future of some sports, as promoters, sponsors and fans vote with their feet.

In some countries, many have already done this. What are the circumstances that have created this perfect storm of damage to international sport? First, sport is increasingly a medium that vast numbers of people around the world wish to gamble on, seemingly regardless of whether their government permits it or not. This will not change. Indeed, all forecasts indicate that it will continue to expand, perhaps even exponentially. This is now universally acknowledged as a massive problem at the global level.

Third, many individual governments and national regulators around the world are closely looking at how to protect sport. However, this effort is uneven across jurisdictions. A collective global strategy led by world governments seems necessary, and urgent. Fourth, overall the global betting industry invests very little in the protection of sport compared with its global financial throughputs on sport. Fifth, the sport betting industry is vastly more divided than it is united.

There is no single voice for global sport betting. It has a market-driven morality. In fact, the majority of gambling on sport in a world context is either illegal or under-regulated. Significantly, there is little hope for a united global gambling industry approach to the antimatch-fixing effort in the absence of a collective global government intervention and a collective global strategy.

Sixth, only governments have the mandate and the resources to combat transnational organised crime. Finally, the last circumstance that has created this perfect storm of damage to sport is that unlike sport betting, sport bodies and governments can unite in a common effort. The basis for differences and disguised intent is vastly less than it is with global gambling, which has a competitive market-driven morality. But as of today, the rhetoric for a united sport and a united government approach has not really been matched in action.

Global, not merely national or regional, leadership is not only essential today, but time is clearly running out for some sports. There are in fact two inextricably linked international problems that need to be considered together: match-fixing, or the corruption of sport competitions; and betting fraud, or theft from sports gamblers and bookmakers offering sport globally.

In many ways, these two linked problems of matchfixing and betting fraud are either seen too simply or in too small a context. However, this situation can be changed by governments, and by doing so governments can protect international sport from this dangerous collision of circumstances, which are essentially wrought from its own international success. As a transnational criminal issue there is room for cooperation between sports bodies and governments.

Today, match-fixing is not simply an opportunistic and occasional corruption of a few, by a few. Nor is it merely the manipulation of relegation or competition table systems. More often, it is criminally planned; truly transnational; and it is driven by long-term investments in the corruption of international sport — including athletes, administrators and referees or umpires.

Today, the real intention of transnational crime in match-fixing, and in betting fraud, is the institutional corruption of organisations and systems rather than merely the compromise of a few individuals. Fraud on a global scale International betting fraud is not a simple theft. It is sophisticated, technical and disguised criminal cheating and fraud on a truly global scale.

It is the vulnerability of international betting to large-scale theft that inspires and pays for modern match-fixing. It is also a cash bonanza for the criminal organisations that are seeking to take control of both match-fixing and betting fraud. These critical issues of match-fixing and betting fraud are not only often seen too simply, but also in too small or simple a context. They are too often considered only as national or regional problems confined to just one of several sports or betting operators, or thought to only apply to minor competitions.

More menacingly, some feel. Pressuring and supervising sport without pressuring and supervising betting on sport is focusing on the primary effect, and not on the primary cause. Strengthening national legislations, sport regulations and inter-agency cooperation without the context of a fully collective international approach will leave gaps and safe havens within the global environment, thereby essentially nullifying the effort. Dealing with one sport, one country or one region in isolation at best shifts and evolves the problem, or at worst dilutes it to ineffectuality within the global oceans of both sport and betting.

Because of a heightened awareness, the sport integrity field is becoming increasingly crowded, with many new players and interested parties entering. While this is a strong indicator of the seriousness of the overall problem, sport integrity solutions must be as big, global, organised and as harmonised as the criminal predation itself.

To do otherwise is ultimately to fail, leaving the next generation to pick up the global problem. Around the world, the betting integrity field is patchy at best and non-existent at worst, and in truth focuses on protecting betting rather than protecting sport, except as a by-product. It is not focused on identifying the criminals who commit the crimes of betting fraud.

However, you cannot reasonably expect such a global industry to police itself. That is why you have betting regulators, at least in some jurisdictions. Moreover, national police struggle within a difficult international investigation environment. They naturally focus on the collection of evidence and on national prosecutions instead of on disrupting the multinational criminal enterprises involved and not as a matter of course on cooperating with sport and bettingin order to prevent match-fixing in the first place.

There are not many preventive police investigations on match-fixing that these global problems can be fixed alone by sport, governments, police, regulators or betting organisations. These twin problems are just too big, too global and too organised for anything but collective and multifaceted solutions to be successful at a global level.

The plain truth is that the corruption of competitions is marked by an absolute internationality in its commission, and by a vigorously growing influence from transnational organised crime. Moreover, theft from sport betting is stealing from a massive, essentially uncontrolled, international sport-gambling economy, which is primarily, but not exclusively, situated in South-East Asia.

As betting on sport is now a global activity, with many betting businesses operating from offshore locations offering bets on all forms of sport from internet, mobile and social network platforms, and still innovating newer platforms, the regulation and supervision must ultimately be global. Because these two issues are often viewed too simply and in a context that is too small, the solutions proposed are also far too simple and far too small.

For instance, anti-corruption training and awareness education within sport is essential, but requires proactive preventive investigation of sport and monitoring of both field play and progressive betting movements to be. Formally recognising the problem There are not many preventive police investigations on match-fixing or betting fraud. Most such investigations are either retrospective or coincidental, in that police come across match-fixing while investigating unrelated organised crime.

So what is there to be done by governments around the world? First, ministers and governments could formally recognise that there is a serious existing international problem with the corruption of sport competition results and with related betting fraud. Second, they could formally recognise that this is a global phenomenon that should be solved by global action that is consistent and collective. Third, governments could formally recognise that the problem actually, or at least potentially, crosses all sports on an international level, meaning it has a huge impact.

Fourth, governments could formally recognise that transnational organised crime is increasingly active in corrupting sport competition results and in committing international betting fraud. Finally, and most importantly, governments should formally recognise that an independent and neutral international platform, or global compact of some design, that draws together key stakeholders for their collective protection should be considered.

It should be an international platform that assists collective and collaborative action by facilitating global information. Such an international platform would prevent the perfect storm that is gathering over the world of sport from wreaking havoc in the games and the economies that governments are here to try and protect.

Winning and losing on a small island Gary Armstrong explores the interactions of football, politics and society in an intimate world, using Malta as a case study. This was not a surprise. As a nation of just over , citizens, defeats at an international level are expected.

These three defeats — all away from home — were, however, unusually heavy: an drubbing by the Republic of Ireland followed a defeat to the Netherlands. Days later, Malta lost to Spain by a margin. The defeat was expected, but not the scoreline. Accusations that the match was fixed came primarily from the Netherlands, who lost out on a place in the finals on goal difference to Spain, but similar accusations came from within Malta where football fans, long accustomed to accusing their co-patriots of throwing games in the domestic league, now had to contemplate the possibility of unsporting behaviour at the national level.

The scoreline caused consternation in UEFA circles, and even provoked calls in Maltese political circles for the national team to withdraw from international competitions. The Spain defeat had two consequences. The first was the establishment in Malta of a commission that is designed to examine the possibility of bribery and corruption around the fixture. Chaired by a lawyer and consisting of Malta Football Association MFA representatives, journalists and supporters, the commission concluded that the defeat was due to inadequate preparation and fitness.

A second consequence of the defeat was a new beginning for Maltese football, with. While results at the international level did not improve as much as hoped, it was more than 25 years before another accusation of match-fixing at the national level occurred. In that same time period, at the domestic level, accusations of match-fixing occurred monthly.

Anyone asking why has to look beyond the obvious: the seeking of financial favours in return for fixing the scoreline is an obvious motivation, but not the only one. A variety of socio-cultural factors are at play in Malta; not all outcomes are reducible to predatory betting syndicates or organised criminal networks. Sometimes, the very nature of civil society offers a sense of legitimacy to those seeking to affect the outcome of a football match. When in the mids a British-born manager of a Maltese Premier League club returned to Britain publically criticising the corruption he had encountered in his position in Maltese football, he was vilified in sections of the Maltese press as an ignorant foreigner who had misunderstood the nature of both Maltese football and society.

The island is polarised around two political parties and around Anglo-Italianate football rivalries. There are few political and footballing neutrals in Malta. In this small and densely populated island, public figures, rather than being distant personalities that are known through the mass media, are intimately known as friends, patrons.

Such intimacy brings with it issues that are not easily understood by those who enjoy the anonymity of large nations; most notably the dualism of concealment and disclosure. In , a Public Broadcasting Service television presenter was suspended from his position for suggesting the existence of dubious practices in the local football leagues — issues that many close observers privately admitted to exist.

This raised an issue crucial to accusations of match-fixing: what could be said, and with what consequences, and what could be proven? A static sameness in authority aids and abets time-serving, parasitic elements [who] appropriate power, even if they represent no electorate; it emarginates talent and potential, while simultaneously reducing vigour and enthusiasm.

However, there are few cases in which a footballer has been prosecuted for match-fixing. The same happened to Maltese international Lino Farrugia, who during the same period was reported to the MFA by his own club, taken to court and jailed.

In , one player was banned from the game for life and he and a colleague jailed for two months. A decade later in , one player attempted to offer a financial inducement to another prior to a fixture while the conversation — unknown to the protagonist — was recorded on a mobile phone.

The player was banned from the game and his club relegated a division. This paucity of convictions has not, however, lessened the belief among fans, journalists, coaches and club presidents that football matches — indeed championships — in Malta are bought, not won7. The more prominent chants at the football grounds over the past 30 years have included references to corruption. When a player fails to make a particular play — misses a tackle, misses. The latter two phrases connote a willingness to put personal and financial gain above the collective good of the team and, implicitly, the neighbourhood they represent.

The former makes a blatant suggestion that organised crime has decided the outcome of the game. But the game might also be said to manifest the wisdom that Maltese citizens receive in their upbringing: suspicion and criticism of the political milieu existing alongside praise for those who know how to work it.

Limited resources require people to learn the contours of the system; in a win-lose culture such as football, the winning is a limited resource. To succeed in life and in football personal relationships are needed, and this brings demands for reciprocity that complicate issues of ethics and avoidance.

To many Maltese, public accountability is a myth. Politicians are expected to declare assets but there is no independent scrutiny. Political party funding is not recorded. Late payment and tax avoidance is widespread; the Parliamentary Secretary to the Finance Ministry announced in that 35 per cent of citizens evaded tax, equating to hundreds of millions in lost revenues.

The political milieu that sees elections won and lost on narrow margins stifles attempts to balance the budget. In , shortly before an election, some 8, potential voters of the opposition were given jobs working for the state. These sinecures cost the nation millions, but they were effective in winning votes for the incumbent party and also the election.

The intimacy of the nation militates against debates about impartiality and compromises those tasked with adjudicating. That which is true for politics also applies to football. Reflections of values The true extent of corruption within Maltese football is not as important as the perceptions that exist, in as much as these reflect prevailing values.

Questions on this topic in produced the following three diverse responses, which centred around the psyche of the Maltese. Three goals were scored in the last 18 minutes. The outcome was one Maltese player — international Kevin Sammut pictured right — receiving a year worldwide ban from the game, having been found guilty of match-fixing.

Two other Maltese players were acquitted. The banned player denied any wrongdoing. A diametrically opposed view held by many is that everything on the island can be bought, and that has always been the way. A culture of gambling Others offered causation in the Maltese penchant for gambling.

Gambling provides a constant focus for discernment, whether reading the numbers to look for future outcomes. His testimony did not reveal anything incriminating and the teammate he roomed with in Norway testified that he had never left the hotel at the time he was accused of meeting the fixer. The testimony of the Croat was crucial. He claimed to have fixed some matches and was working for a man he had never met in person who gave orders from Sarajevo, Bosnia. The description he gave of the convicted Maltese player did not remotely match the man.

He also claimed to have met him in Malta when he worked for a betting company there and that the. The criteria for transactions was a knowledge of where to place a bet and an assurance that winnings would be paid. Others took a punt with brokers who for decades occupied a corner of the national stadium.

Players were assumed to be in on the deals and be capable of sending messages to those involved in the process. With the arrival of global television broadcasting, betting on European games — particularly Italian games — became more prominent than betting on the local matches. Such games are not controlled by Maltese betting syndicates, but many in Malta believe they are controlled by someone, and speculation as to who is in control and which players are bribed is rife.

Historically, many of those involved in political activism or seeking parliamentary power were also senior figures in football clubs. These people grew rich by working in oil, construction, tourism and supermarket retailing, and became presidents of the top Maltese football clubs — a position that gave them an electorate without a constituency. Some then pursued political office, with football as their springboard to politics. This took place in a society that until banned gambling on local matches.

The Maltese gambled on games elsewhere. From the s until the late s punters would bet illicitly on the English leagues via the English Football Pools system. The procedure relied on British Services personnel living on the island who circulated the coupons from the pools within and beyond the barracks.

Those who won tended to keep quiet as the government could confiscate their winnings. Thus Malta had a widespread culture of gambling, and even the state-owned lottery was subverted for decades by an underground system offering more attractive odds. Illegal bookies operated out of bars where they would receive.

The flaw in this claim was that the player was never a waiter. The player was actually substituted at half-time when the Maltese were down. Interestingly, for such a process UEFA decides which witnesses are considered relevant to the case and does not reveal what evidence is used to make the decision to convict. For such reasons the player at the time of writing is taking his appeal to the Court of Arbitration in Sport.

He also opined that a player need not be on the field of play to be in some way part of the match-fix deal. The Integrity Office began the inquiry after allegations were originally made by a club president. Interestingly, the same man retracted the allegation, but by then the inquiry process was too far gone and the verdicts were passed.

Some presidents act as mentors to their players, some become godparents to the children of players, and some lobby selectors for their player to represent the national team. They are the prime candidates for the processes of corruption. All deny involvement in such processes, and all believe their opposing presidents are guilty of them. This presents them with a variety of options. To shy away from all potential routes to success would be seen as a dereliction of duty.

Somewhere in this process, the desire to please the electorate, be it actual or potential, meets with the desire to make money. They would also gain concomitant income from the sale of broadcasting rights and prize monies. Away from home, matters can get very curious. In , one Czech-Republic-born player of Sliema Wanderers was suspended from the game by UEFA on allegations of attempting to bribe the goalkeeper of the Hungarian opposition.

The latter claimed the player came to his hotel room offering financial inducements to throw the game. He was eventually found not guilty of wrongdoing. The Maltese case presents a microcosm of the issues affecting any global inquiry into match-fixing and corruption in sport.

The Spain fixture, despite manifesting. The issue was analysed in terms of the national shame it created, which may well be the correct one. The Norway fixture was not a preposterous scoreline and the instigation of an inquiry in Malta resulted from revelations made in a German law court.

The subsequent inquiry — years after the game — was thorough and proved consequential for one individual. However, justice was not done in the eyes of many people in Malta. The individual who was accused may yet have the decision against him overturned on appeal. The domestic game still gives its governing body cause for concern, and while a club president can break ranks to reveal what he knows, his subsequent retraction of the accusation leaves the matter in the hands of the football authorities, whose integrity must be above question.

Sport needs ethical leadership in an era of fixing Haroon Lorgat argues that strong ethical leadership by governing bodies is an essential part of the strategy mix to drive match-fixing out of sport and protect it for future generations. This was discovered by the Delhi police and was followed by fallout in the boardroom. It reminded me of the desperate need for leaders in sports organisations to embrace, not just in words but also in strong actions, the highest ethical standards, and for the leaders to set a clear example of honest and uncorrupt behavior from the top.

Sadly, my experience in cricket administration and my working knowledge and reading of other sports bodies suggest that the top echelons are not as focused on this issue as they ought to be. The obvious question is: how can we as leaders demand and ensure that the playing field is as pure as it should be? Surely, the behaviour of leaders is mirrored elsewhere in the organisation and the playing field will not be exempted.

To quote my former partners, ethics concerns itself with the moral principles that govern behaviour and accordingly good ethical behaviour results when one does not merely consider what is good for oneself, but also considers what is good for others.

It is in this respect that I believe there is more than a casual link between standards of ethical leadership in sporting bodies and the concerns we all have about corruption, including match-fixing. I have always held a belief that there is a direct correlation between the standards set in the boardroom and performance on the playing field.

One always sees the value of ethical leadership most clearly when it is lacking; its absence often results in an environment where greed, fraud, dishonesty, tension, confusion and the struggle for power prosper. We have seen this in the business world, and in politics, and unfortunately we can also see it in some sporting bodies.

There is no doubt in my mind that sound ethical leadership will filter all the way down as it ultimately becomes the culture of the organisation. Unfortunately, in sport administration, good governance is not always evident and this does not create a good platform for dealing with the menace of corruption on the playing field. With the advent of superior technologies and the ease with which bets, whether legal or illegal, can be placed in modern times, the integrity threat to every sport is real.

When one combines greed with a lack of ethical leadership, it is no surprise that the threat of corruption on the playing field is at dangerous levels. No matter how much we may disapprove of betting on moral or ethical grounds, we will not be able to wish it away. It is therefore necessary for all sports to be prepared to face the reality and without doubt it would be helpful if betting markets were regulated and appropriate controls established to minimise risk to the integrity of sports.

We must encourage countries to introduce strong rules to regulate the betting industry as betting in unregulated circumstances poses serious danger. Clearly, no one will be willing to watch or bet on a corrupted sport. Lack of adequate legislation A significant disadvantage to fighting the menace of fixing in sport in most countries is the lack of adequate legislation against cheating. We need strict laws to deal specifically with sports corruption, making such activity a criminal offence.

Even basic laws would be a lot better than no laws and it is something that sports bodies must press and work towards achieving. Sporting bodies only have jurisdiction over their players, officials and other support personnel who would have expressly signed up to its rules and regulations. The fight against corruption is the responsibility of everyone concerned and, in the case of cricket, this must include the ICC as the global governing Board, the various Member Boards, players, governments and the police.

In November , the ICC, having recognised the threat of fixing moving more purposefully to the domestic. As a result, governing bodies have no choice but to allocate as much resource as is needed to protect the integrity of the sport.

However, without essential rules, regulations and people resources, you will simply not be in a position to protect and prosecute when necessary. It is fair to say that some member cricket boards may have failed to believe the threat to their domestic leagues was a reality, and that their leagues were indeed the next avenue for the bad guys.

The ICC had provided each member with template anti-corruption codes, and despite this, it took even some senior boards a long while to be convinced of the need to introduce the necessary capability at a domestic level. However, after the Westfield case in England and the more recent events in the IPL and the Bangladesh Premier League BPL , I am sure all domestic administrators have realised that the threat is real and would readily accept the risk is omnipresent, even at the domestic level.

With the emergence of attractive and less. The fight against corruption is the responsibility of everyone concerned level, instructed all full members to introduce anticorruption capability at their level by no later than 1 April The logic was simple. The corruptors would not go away, they would simply find another hunting ground. Cricket suffered greatly as a result of the matchfixing scandal surrounding Hansie Cronje in We should never forget that any televised sports match in the world is a particular target for corruption.

The role of players Ultimately, for there to be effective eradication of corrupt fixing in sport, the athletes themselves must play a proactive role. My first-hand experience at international level has convinced me that the vast majority of cricketers have the necessary integrity and wherewithal to do the right thing. They are true sportspeople interested in competition and high performance. After all, this is what drives them. On each occasion when corruption was uncovered on the playing field, we have found a few bad apples who caused untold damage to the rest of the sport.

In fact, it took the ICC some effort to convince many players that a judge deciding punishment must be proportionate in doing so, otherwise the sanction will be reduced on appeal. This indicated. The challenge is for the sports administrators to build trust and confidence with the players so that they will be forthcoming. A clear prerequisite has to be ethical leadership. Cricket suffered hugely from both these incidents and had it not been for the decisive manner in which these cases were dealt with, the repercussions could have been much more devastating and perhaps even permanent.

After , it took years for many fans to overcome the disappointment and even today I still come across people in my home country [South Africa] who do not watch the game because their hero had let them down. Commercial partners were amongst the first to register their genuine concern at the corruption scandal in It is not surprising that renowned corporate entities do not want to be associated with corruption of.

In my experience they are far better at living their set of values than sports bodies do. I recall a brand new sponsor that we had reached agreement with, save for the actual signing of contracts, immediately advising us of their intention to withdraw. Fortunately, the decisive manner in which we went about dealing with the matter impressed them sufficiently to return to the table and they eventually signed the contract.

They were satisfied with our actions to enforce our stated goal of zero tolerance on corruption. At the same time as this new global sponsor voiced their displeasure, many of our existing commercial partners raised their concerns too. In particular, our.

It was by then evident that the impacts were going to be profound and the threat of severe damage, commercial and otherwise, was immediately apparent. In their world, corruption was the most commercially destructive force facing the sport of cricket.

In their words, it had a direct and quantifiable impact on the efficacy and value attributable to their rights. To witness the strong reaction of sponsors, we need look no further than the recent examples of Tiger Woods and Lance Armstrong. The imperative of swift action As Chief Executive, it was clear to me that there was no alternative but to tackle the issue swiftly and head on.

The ICC investigators and legal team set about in earnest and within five days of the news breaking had secured sufficient evidence to draw up individual charge sheets and provisionally suspend the three players involved. Apart from this swiftness being some sort of a record, we were fortunate in that a year before we had the foresight to update our Anti-Corruption Code so that the rules allowed the ICC to provisionally suspend players.

The ICC code is widely regarded as the most comprehensive of its kind in international sport. We needed to act fast and we needed to conclude before the World Cup started or face serious distractions. Amongst other fundamentals, the success of the Cricket World Cup depended on it, and this World Cup had more challenges riding on it than ever before.

For one, the future of the over cricket format was being constantly grilled by naysayers who believed its time was up. They were calling for it to be scrapped. But, knowing that the time frame was indeed tight, we set out with purpose to clean up the spot-fixing mess before the World Cup commenced in mid February Apart from having to deal with officials and a media that was driven by emotional Pakistani fans who could not believe their heroes were capable of cheating, we.

Cricket fans burn posters of the players involved in the Indian Premier League spot-fixing investigation. We had to be especially careful not to affect the police investigation.

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Investors bet on gambling growth. The figures are taken from the seventh edition of GBGC 's global gambling report, which can be ordered online at gbgc. UK drops in world gaming league table. Warwick Bartlett, West Bromwichbased GBGC 's lead partner, said: 'The UK industry's recent performance really does underline its potential to become the genuine global betting market leader.

Wager tax ban increases amount of money gambled. Lotteries had the biggest share of revenues at High taxes and multiple licences as e-gaming enters a defining year. It could mean that they avoid relegation, gain promotion, finish in a Champions League position that brings more money and television revenue or, as with West Germany and Austria at the FIFA World Cup, qualify for the next round of a tournament. It should be remembered that any such agreement between two clubs always has an impact on other teams in the league or cup competition; it fixes the outcome of not only a match but the future revenue streams of all the clubs involved in that competition.

In , a match between Liverpool and Manchester United ended with United winning The match was considered suspicious because Manchester United was fighting relegation and playing against a Liverpool side at the top of its game. Liverpool was expected to win and the lack of effort by players led the crowd to voice their displeasure at the players and the referee to report the. They may simply offer the parent something they need, such as a washing machine or a power generator.

Social and cultural elements play a part in countries where often the talent pool comes out of abject poverty. Each method that is employed by the criminals works, especially when the target knows the group with whom he or she is dealing. Fear of the group or organisation and an isolated position make targets especially vulnerable. Criminals persuade athletes and players to behave in a certain way, which may stand out to observers. In football, match fixers may ask the player to simply give less than per cent, not to chase back when he loses the ball, give a poor pass, not make a tackle, miss a penalty kick or get a red card.

Fixers may ask athletes in other sports just to underperform. Whatever they are asked to do will benefit the criminal syndicate. It can be as simple as running slower for a sprinter, or dropping a set in tennis; in cricket a batsman may give his wicket up, a bowler bowl no balls or lack his usual pace and accuracy.

Gaining access to sportspeople The fixers use established relationships, such as a former player who knows the members of the team and so can identify who can be corrupted. Fixers use intermediaries all the time to approach the people they want to corrupt. Agents of players are always useful, as are sports administrators, such as members of a referee selection panel. These people always seem to have a good reputation and appear clean, most are, some are not. It is easy for a senior person acting as a mentor to smooth the path for the corruption of athletes or players.

They have travelled the same road and understand the mentality of the player or athlete. They can reassure them of the risks they will take: they will tell them the risks are minimal and that everyone is doing the same thing anyway. These people in and around the sport are able to spot the vulnerable, those who are weak and have problems with money or drugs. Then there are those players or referees who may be at the end of their career and desirous of a big payday. The corruption of sports administrations is another method fixers use.

Once you control an organisation you can dictate who will play a game, when and where they play it, and, most importantly, what the outcome will be. ZIFA banned players, coaches and officials from professional football in the wake of the Asiagate report. Match fixers have flourished because they have operated unhindered for well over a decade game to the Football Association FA. The FA launched an investigation that found seven players guilty of matchfixing. Four players from Liverpool and three from United were implicated, with Jackie Sheldon, a Liverpool player and former United player, acting as the go between.

The above examples serve to show that match-fixing has been with football for over a century. I suspect that an authority on horse racing would say that the sport has experienced the manipulation of races and horses for more than two hundred years. Exploiting vulnerabilities The methods employed to fix an event or a match are well known. If fixers approach a player or referee it can be as direct as a gun to the head, though very often they study their target and seek out vulnerabilities.

It may be a drug habit they can feed, or an athlete may have financial problems, or be vulnerable to blackmail, or simply be greedy such that criminals can hook him or her financially. Either way, the pressure is applied to the target.

Different organised crime elements have different methods. Some prefer the direct approach of physical threats and intimidation, others prefer to wine and dine the target then offer a sum of money. Some approach. The Bolivian Football Federation was in financial difficulty when a fixer from a Singapore syndicate approached them with a proposition. Latvia, Bulgaria and Estonia accepted the invitation to take part in the tournament.

The matches were played at the Mardan Sports complex in Antalya Turkey. The two matches had seven penalty kicks given by referees provided by the front company. The referees were banned for life, the Bolivian, Latvian, Estonian, and Bulgarian federations were duped.

Controlling organisations Criminals can also fix a game by means of controlling an organisation. Control the person who appoints umpires and referees, and you can decide when and where your own referees or umpires are appointed. If you control the referee and his assistants you can influence the game and the times that major decisions are.

By corrupting key players, such as the goalkeeper or central defenders, or maybe the penalty taker or main striker, you can help ensure that your plan is carried out. Corrupt those in individual sports and you have less risk and more chance of going undetected. Match fixers have flourished because they been able to operate unhindered for well over a decade in an environment that is without adequate powers or protective methods to contain them or subject them to justice. Match fixers operate where protections are at their weakest; they actively seek out the vulnerable and exploit them, whether they are associations, confederations or individuals.

They focus where security protocols are lax, where authorities have inadequate powers or legislation, and where there is a lack of knowledge, expertise and skill sets to administer the game properly. Match fixers are criminals who destroy the dreams of young and aspiring athletes and players in many sports.

Michael Pride examines the nature of the grey and black gambling markets and the methods that are used by crime groups to exploit betting operations for fraud. White market gambling describes betting that takes place under licensed and regulated conditions in which bettors are legally permitted to place bets at, for example, a bookmaker or an online casino. Grey market gambling concerns betting that takes place either without a regulatory infrastructure or outside of the law altogether this is common in countries that ban gambling , but where the gaming establishment itself is hosted outside, and thus is not governed by, the jurisdiction.

This occurs most often when a foreign-hosted gaming website offers its services to those in countries that either fully ban gaming, online gaming or foreign-hosted gaming. In many countries that have restrictions on online gaming or gambling as a whole the public are, in reality, nearly always free to bet where they please without restriction.

Black market gambling describes totally illegal activity in a region that does not permit gambling. In this case, the gaming establishment will be within the country in question, operating outside the law; punishments for such activities are likely to be severe. Nature of the gambling industry The illicit gambling sector is a complex network that functions at various levels.

The bookies obtain their odds from people above them and then accept bets based on those figures. Their job is to collect the cash from the gamblers and, in turn, provide payments depending on the outcome of the wager. Above them are the people who manage a group of bookies that operate in various parts of a city or state.

They receive their information and odds from. The nature of the gambling industry means it is structured in a way that makes it extremely difficult or nearly impossible for people on the ground, the bookies, to know who is the person two layers above them in the chain. That is one of the main reasons why authorities have found it extremely difficult to crackdown on the illegal betting syndicates operating in the gambling industry.

As with any business, a bookmaker first needs cash in order to begin operations. The main cash requirements can be split into two categories: money for capital goods, and cash reserves to cover wagering action. The former is a relatively small sum. In the case of the latter, this is where the majority of funding is directed.

The size of the reserves dictates the amount of activity the operation can sustain. Costs are likely to vary from region to region, as will the scale of start-up operations. While a bookmaking operation in its infancy is considerably limited by financial constraints, a bookmaker past this stage can generate a stable revenue base from regular client wagering.

Traditionally, a bookmaker can expect between a 50 to per cent annual return on wagering reserves. Rapid return on capital and low operational costs make bookmaking an attractive business. The size of a bookmaking business is dependent on the size of its wagering reserves and by extension the number of active bets.

Bookmaking is a service-oriented industry. As such, it is the responsibility of a bookmaker to take bets and have the requisite number of personnel to service the bettors. Some illegal betting syndicates offer better odds for a sporting event, which makes the payout for a winning bet highly attractive. If an individual or group wants to place a bet through legal channels in some countries, they need to go to a physical location.

With laying bets this way, there is always a chance that the individual or their representatives will be noticed. In contrast, most illegal syndicates operate in a very discreet manner, not least to protect their own identities. Trust is the key here: once a mutual trust has been established, many syndicates will even agree to take bets over the phone and then collect or deliver the cash later on. Gambling operations During the course of business a bookmaker will constantly take bets from customers or customer representatives, with money and betting slips being collected and dispersed respectively by runners.

As mentioned above, bookmaking is service-oriented, so a bookmaker offering a poor quality of service will lose customers. As such a bookmaker must be readily available, easy to deal with and efficient with collection and payments. All of these factors provide authorities with a weak point to exploit.

Bookmakers need to meet either their customers or their representatives, who themselves will meet with the bettors, once a week. As a bookmaking operation expands the former will quickly become an impractical option. The solution is for the bookmaker to take on more representatives as time progresses. These representatives will typically be anyone who is in regular contact with the public, such as bar or restaurant staff, carpet cleaners, plumbers, repair people and couriers.

These types of people are generally inconspicuous and can make pick-ups and deliveries throughout the day without drawing any suspicion or attention. The action Depending on the time zones and event schedules, a bookmaker and his representatives will receive many telephone calls over several hours, often in the evenings.

These calls are inbound wagering calls and calls to collect winnings. Generally, the longer a call, the more action will be taking place between the caller and the bookmaker. If the action is lop-sided or too large for a bookmaker to handle then he or she will use a layoff and offset the risk using another bookmaker. Criminal syndicates sometimes place lots of small bets in order to avoid the suspicion that a few high-volume bets would attract.

Some bank accounts were linked to the operation. Illegal betting on fixed matches In relation to the manipulation of matches, bets are laid in such a way as to make detection of individuals or groups almost impossible.

The complexity of the illegal betting syndicates operation allows this to occur. The syndicate can exploit fluctuations to organise the bets so that the wagers will not attract attention. For example, there are so many moments in a football match that could swing the game either way, without a fix in place, that suspicion is automatically reduced. The complexity of the operation can be highlighted by the following example. An illegal betting syndicate, based and organised in Singapore, has match fixers who travel to Lebanon to discuss arrangements for a fixed match that will be played in Italy.

There are syndicate members ready to place high-volume bets, timing the surges so the betting market security systems do not detect any suspicious betting patterns. The bets are placed in the Philippines using masked computer clusters from Bangkok to Jakarta. The communications are spread across many mobile networks and satellites making them almost impossible to trace.

The money moves electronically through a hundred different communication channels. No legal system was set up to handle this kind of global intricacy, and the number of intersecting jurisdictions make this an extremely complex crime to investigate. Several illegal betting syndicates place wagers on fixed games using legal, Asia-based online betting sites via intermediaries in China. For example, in Shenzhen, in southern China, millions of dollars can be placed in a couple of minutes on a game in Europe.

The scattering of small bets, rather than fewer high-volume bets, helps to hide fixes from betting monitoring companies that use sophisticated software in order to alert them to unusual and suspicious betting. Match-fixing investigations are complicated and the offence is difficult to prove. Proving that players are deliberately underperforming, or having contact with a criminal, is not enough. Hard evidence, including documents containing transactions, is required, but such proof is not easy to obtain when most bets for fixed matches are placed with bookmakers in Asia that are barely regulated.

Simply detecting match-fixing is not enough to deter criminals. Prosecutions are needed in order to raise the risk and cost of their activities, but the challenges to obtaining a conviction remain high. Several illegal betting syndicates place wagers on fixed games using legal, Asia-based online betting sites layoff and players. Players are often in contact with multiple bookmakers and will often freely discuss them, perhaps even offering an introduction. It is not uncommon for a bookmaker to pay a referral fee to a player who is bringing in new players.

The aforementioned description accounts largely for independent bookmaking operations, but some act as a proxy for other, larger bookmakers. One example is in Thailand, where a call centre was set up in Bangkok to act as an intermediary between bettors in the country and an overseas bookmaker.

In this system, the intermediary will set up bank accounts to receive wagers from bettors and then place the bets for them online. Another example in Jakarta, Indonesia, involved a similar system,. Endemic match-fixing in sport will mean the loss of credibility for games and thus the loss of fans. Undermining authority; defeating ambition Keir Radnedge explores how corruption in sport damages the reputation of governing bodies, undermines trust among fans and ruins the aspirations of athletes as well as officials.

Such fixing may not have been motivated directly by money, but in other cases it was. In , three Sheffield Wednesday players — including England players Peter Swan and Tony Kay — were banned for throwing a match to suit a betting scam.

That was nearly 50 years ago. Despite all the concern that sport must be kept clean to maintain its credibility for the public, sponsors and broadcasters, the situation now is immeasurably worse; as the amount of money at stake in betting and in the sport sector generally has risen, so corruption has spread.

In , the IOC was galvanised into action by a general fear that the Games were losing credibility and thus sponsor revenues through widespread doping practices. East Germany no longer exists and is easier to pinpoint for blame than other countries that continue to sit at the top table.

Also, the East Germans kept such meticulous records that the system which created a record-feeding frenzy — not only in athletics but swimming and other individual disciplines — has been laid bare. Most important of all has been its persuasion of governments — as evidenced by the rush to adherence via UNESCO — that sports doping falls within the ambit of drugs criminality.

To be fair, most governments needed little persuading because drugs and drugs trafficking were already illegal. Galvanised into action The crux of the issue is that governing bodies tainted by any association with corrupt practices come to lack the moral authority to lay down and enforce laws on corruption further down the sporting chain. At a coaching and competitive level, that means doping and match-fixing.

One major blot on the sporting landscape has been the sad fact that Spain is only now bringing its legislation into line with WADA requirements. However, persuading governments that match-fixing should also be a criminal offence has been much more difficult.

I will be upgraded to European champion from last year as a result of Arzhakova being banned. But it makes me sick that I was denied the opportunity to do a lap of honour. I am sure that when we went down it was because there were agreements between other clubs for determined results Everyone knows it. Only if sport can be seen to be cleaning up its own nest can it hope to persuade governments to act against the international criminality that capitalises on human avarice and the simplicity of results fixing for the purposes of both multi-billion-dollar profits and international money laundering for a wide range of other illicit operations.

He came into office earlier this year leading on a pledge to root out match-fixing in the Spanish game, which has been plagued down the years with rumours of illicit payments in the last rounds of matches. If there can be rotten games, it means the competition is not in order. From the league to the media we are not supporting this as it needs to be.

In La Liga we need to make a further step in denouncing what is going on. There is a type of corporate defence, a misunderstood feeling of companionship We must get rid of this. Friedrich Stickler, head of European Lotteries and ex-president of the Austrian football federation, believes it is not only the sports family that needs to appreciate its responsibility to society at large; so do governments.

Vulnerable players Football match-fixing generates the largest volume of criminal revenues through the internet-driven betting rings. The assumption remains that players at the highest level earn so much money they are beyond bribery. An effigy of Lance Armstrong that criticises his doping offences, which embroiled the International Cycling Union in a row over its efficacy in confronting doping allegations.

I have apologised on numerous occasions to the UCB, the cricketing public and most important to my former teammates. I deeply regret my actions and wish to apologise to those I caused harm. For example, in China the population has lost trust and confidence in our sport completely and the stadia are almost empty.

Football is not alone and exposed. Every sport is at risk. Former international cricket player Saleem Pervez, who died earlier this year, once confessed to having paid top players to fix matches on behalf of bookmakers as far back as Three players, including former captain Salman Butt, were jailed by a London court in Activists praise disgraced late cricketer Hansie Cronje for admitting he had taken money from bookmakers. Haroon Lorgat, former CEO of the International Cricket Council, has expressed a concern that driving the fixers out of the international arena has merely pushed them into domestic competitions where such activities may be even harder to police.

It has moved. Keeping fixing scandals at bay Most sports have had some kind of fixing scandal, but not every sport has woken up to a need to invest heavily in trying, as best it can, to keep the cancer at bay. Then our sport will lose its credibility and you cannot get it back. Also, you cannot get the sponsors back either. In the meantime, while efforts to bring governments into the action continue to move forward, sport has to fight its own fight for its own sake.

Players need to feel empowered and supported in order to be able to report what they need to when they are approached by organised syndicates. After he exposed certain match-fixing activities of teammates in the lower divisions in Italy, no one else there would give him a job. Keir Radnedge is a columnist and former editor of World Soccer magazine. He can be found on Twitter: KeirRadnedge, and at www. However, from the sheer volume of cases that have come to light, few doubt that there has been a step increase in the prevalence of fixing in the past 12 years.

What can be done? To organise thoughts, it is useful perhaps to start with an economic model. Since the pioneering work on the economics of crime by Nobel Laureate Gary Becker, economic models have been employed successfully to help us understand trends in crime-rates and to identify policies that might work to reduce offending. Applying such models in the context of match-fixing is therefore likely to prove fruitful in generating ideas for action.

A starting point is to think of a fix as something that is bought and sold in a marketplace, albeit an illegal one that is usually well hidden from view. In this marketplace there are sellers and buyers: there is a supply side and a demand side, as there is in any other kind of market. On the supply side are the sports insiders, who most commonly are players or referees. Other possible candidates for delivering a fix, and therefore for trading in this market, include owners, coaches and even the medical staff of a sports club.

All these groups have the ability to influence the probability that their team will win the match. The demand for fixes comes from criminals for whom a fix enables profits to be made on the betting market that operates alongside a sports event. David Forrest examines the market for match-fixing, identifying policies that could be adopted to restrict supply and limit demand, and explores how reward systems could be designed to disincentivise corruption.

For the volume of fixes to increase there needs to be an increase in either supply or demand. The most obvious explanation for the current increase in sports corruption is that there has been a rise in demand for fixes because it is now possible to make much bigger betting gains from a fix than it was in the past. The key to how much money a criminal can make by fixing a match is the size of the bet he can place. This is determined by the amount of liquidity in the betting market. According to data from CK Consulting, the size of the global sports betting market tripled between and , as the industry and the product were transformed in the new online world.

The depth of betting markets on even relatively minor competitions became sufficient to support very large bets that would win very large sums. Volumes in Asian markets are therefore now sufficient to support very large bets. Moreover, these markets are non-transparent and are unmonitored by regulatory authorities, such that in the event of any suspicion arising around a sports event, investigators could not subsequently trace the bets back to their source. In the well known criminal case in which a gang based in Bochum, Germany, was found to have fixed more than football matches across 13 countries, prosecutors estimated that the group had won tens of millions of dollars betting on Asian markets in just one year.

It is a reasonable story to account for the epidemic of fixing to say that huge growth in betting volumes in markets without effective regulation has made fixes more economically valuable than they used to be. The increased value of fixes has drawn more criminal groups to the market — there has been an increase in demand for fixes. An increase in demand pushes up prices and more participants are then persuaded to fix.

It appears to feature a dangerously high level of fixing, enough perhaps to lead to loss of confidence in the sports product. What policy options exist to push the prevalence of fixing down? Of these, the onus in the first approach of disrupting trade would likely fall largely on law enforcement agencies.

But there are some measures that sport itself can take in this category. For example, tennis has banned cell phones from player changing rooms, and the US National Basketball Association NBA names referees only shortly before a match in order to minimise the time available for a fix operation to be organised. Policies in the second category largely lie beyond the influence of sports federations. Indeed, even national regulators of betting markets, for example in Europe, are constrained to the extent that the bulk of liquidity in betting markets even on sports events taking place in Europe lies in Asia, outside of their jurisdiction.

Of course, they still need to guard against domestic fixing, where the. Ante Sapina speaks with his lawyer in a courtroom in Bochum, where he is on trial for fixing 43 football matches as part of a criminal gang that is alleged to have rigged a total of matches. Some of the sports most at risk have invested in integrity and intelligence units instigators probably lie close to the sport itself and the confederates organising the fix do not have the knowledge to bet outside their territory.

But this is not the style of fix that is driving the recent apparent explosion in fixing. The scope for sport to take action The category of policies where sport itself can take the lead is the third one. Although it is only legislators and the judicial system that are able to provide some forms of deterrent for example prison terms for offenders who are caught , there is still considerable scope for sport itself to implement policies designed to make players and others less able or less ready to supply fixes.

Referees can, in some sports and to some extent, be taken out of the pool of potential suppliers of a fix by. In ice skating, the number of judges in major competitions has been increased, reducing the influence of any one individual. These are useful policies to address potential corruption by some actors in some sports. Other sports might consider whether there is scope for similar systems to be put into place. But these are not universal solutions. For all sports, the fundamental issue is whether they can take measures that make players less likely to accept a given inducement to fix.

Designing measures to modify individual choices requires a framework for understanding how these choices are made in the first place. Economists in many settings have gone a long way by representing those who make choices as weighing up the benefits of a course of action against the costs.

In our context, if an athlete is offered a bribe of a certain amount,. To summarise, the expected cost of participation in a fix will be greater the greater the chance of being caught, the greater the future earnings put at risk, the greater the loss of sporting glory from what is required in return for the bribe, and the greater the moral qualms he or she has. Sport can influence the individual decisions of sportspeople by working on each of these components.

As in all crime, increasing the probability of detection is important and some of the sports most at risk by virtue of the level of betting interest associated with them have invested in integrity and intelligence units that can make a difference here.

However, addressing the other factors influencing the decisions of players requires a wider range of policies that are all related to good governance. For example, part of good governance is to treat players fairly.

In many historic cases of fixing, such. So what are the costs to be weighed up against the money on the table? The costs are in fact uncertain because the athlete does not know whether or not he or she will be caught and punished. In the general case, this will have three components.

The second relates to the value that they place on loss of sporting reputation or glory from underperforming during the match; for example, losing a match may deprive them the chance of obtaining a trophy. The third cost relates to moral anguish from knowing that he or she has betrayed the principles of sport, the fans, and so on. In contemporary European soccer, clubs in some leagues regularly fail to pay wages on time.

Presumably, fixers understand that they will be more successful in buying a fix if they target players who feel resentful. In this respect, sport is just like other sectors in which corruption is an issue.

Any workforce in which outside agents have an incentive to offer large bribes are vulnerable if pay is low. Of the matches discovered to have been fixed in European soccer, the largest number were in second-tier divisions in which pay is modest and potential bribes are high, because liquidity in betting markets is still sufficient for large bets to be placed. There have been several instances of players reporting having been offered bribes to lose matches in the early rounds of even very high-profile tennis tournaments.

The proven cases of fixing in football have featured quite a high number of matches in the early stages of the UEFA club competitions and even the early rounds of the FIFA World Cup itself. Why are early rounds of elimination tournaments at such risk? Most of the matches offer little prize money for advancement to the next stage. Moreover, it is typical that even when a player or team is the favourite for that match, they or it has no reasonable prospect of progressing further than one more round.

Therefore, the cost of cheating to lose is low in terms of prize money and potential for sporting glory. This framework for thinking about how players make decisions suggests a high-integrity risk in this situation if the betting market on the match has enough liquidity to support large bets.

Players were instructed to lose and. Pay and prize structures Increasing pay is not always an option for financially challenged clubs and leagues, and high pay is not effective insurance against fixing for all players. For example, veterans have little to lose from fixing because they place little future income at risk if they offend.

In many sports, rewards come in the form of prize money rather than pay, and in all sports, the dream of glory is also a powerful motivation. Given this, incentives also have to be considered in terms of the structure of prize money and, indeed, tournament design more widely.

Had FK Pobeda progressed to the next round it would almost certainly have lost, because clubs from stronger countries join the competition at that point. The incentive to offend will have been strong, and similar situations face many players and teams during the sporting calendar. Could their behaviour be tilted? In designing tournaments, many considerations apply, but with threats from betting-related corruption so real, sport must at least be prepared to include thinking about incentives against fixing in all its decisions.

In the decisions it takes on tournament design, it should attempt to make success for players and teams more important in as many matches as possible. Government action on match-fixing Chris Eaton, director for sport integrity at the International Centre for Sport Security, discusses the importance of taking action against match-fixing at governmental and transnational levels. Around the world, there is a collision between three international economic giants that is creating a perfect storm of damage to international sport, and it seems that only leadership from world governments can contain it.

These colliding global economies are international: 1 sport; 2 betting on sport; and 3 organised crime. What the results from this unfolding collision will surely determine is the social future of some sports, as promoters, sponsors and fans vote with their feet. In some countries, many have already done this.

What are the circumstances that have created this perfect storm of damage to international sport? First, sport is increasingly a medium that vast numbers of people around the world wish to gamble on, seemingly regardless of whether their government permits it or not. This will not change. Indeed, all forecasts indicate that it will continue to expand, perhaps even exponentially.

This is now universally acknowledged as a massive problem at the global level. Third, many individual governments and national regulators around the world are closely looking at how to protect sport. However, this effort is uneven across jurisdictions.

A collective global strategy led by world governments seems necessary, and urgent. Fourth, overall the global betting industry invests very little in the protection of sport compared with its global financial throughputs on sport. Fifth, the sport betting industry is vastly more divided than it is united. There is no single voice for global sport betting. It has a market-driven morality. In fact, the majority of gambling on sport in a world context is either illegal or under-regulated.

Significantly, there is little hope for a united global gambling industry approach to the antimatch-fixing effort in the absence of a collective global government intervention and a collective global strategy. Sixth, only governments have the mandate and the resources to combat transnational organised crime. Finally, the last circumstance that has created this perfect storm of damage to sport is that unlike sport betting, sport bodies and governments can unite in a common effort.

The basis for differences and disguised intent is vastly less than it is with global gambling, which has a competitive market-driven morality. But as of today, the rhetoric for a united sport and a united government approach has not really been matched in action. Global, not merely national or regional, leadership is not only essential today, but time is clearly running out for some sports.

There are in fact two inextricably linked international problems that need to be considered together: match-fixing, or the corruption of sport competitions; and betting fraud, or theft from sports gamblers and bookmakers offering sport globally.

In many ways, these two linked problems of matchfixing and betting fraud are either seen too simply or in too small a context. However, this situation can be changed by governments, and by doing so governments can protect international sport from this dangerous collision of circumstances, which are essentially wrought from its own international success.

As a transnational criminal issue there is room for cooperation between sports bodies and governments. Today, match-fixing is not simply an opportunistic and occasional corruption of a few, by a few. Nor is it merely the manipulation of relegation or competition table systems.

More often, it is criminally planned; truly transnational; and it is driven by long-term investments in the corruption of international sport — including athletes, administrators and referees or umpires. Today, the real intention of transnational crime in match-fixing, and in betting fraud, is the institutional corruption of organisations and systems rather than merely the compromise of a few individuals.

Fraud on a global scale International betting fraud is not a simple theft. It is sophisticated, technical and disguised criminal cheating and fraud on a truly global scale. It is the vulnerability of international betting to large-scale theft that inspires and pays for modern match-fixing. It is also a cash bonanza for the criminal organisations that are seeking to take control of both match-fixing and betting fraud.

These critical issues of match-fixing and betting fraud are not only often seen too simply, but also in too small or simple a context. They are too often considered only as national or regional problems confined to just one of several sports or betting operators, or thought to only apply to minor competitions.

More menacingly, some feel. Pressuring and supervising sport without pressuring and supervising betting on sport is focusing on the primary effect, and not on the primary cause. Strengthening national legislations, sport regulations and inter-agency cooperation without the context of a fully collective international approach will leave gaps and safe havens within the global environment, thereby essentially nullifying the effort.

Dealing with one sport, one country or one region in isolation at best shifts and evolves the problem, or at worst dilutes it to ineffectuality within the global oceans of both sport and betting. Because of a heightened awareness, the sport integrity field is becoming increasingly crowded, with many new players and interested parties entering.

While this is a strong indicator of the seriousness of the overall problem, sport integrity solutions must be as big, global, organised and as harmonised as the criminal predation itself. To do otherwise is ultimately to fail, leaving the next generation to pick up the global problem. Around the world, the betting integrity field is patchy at best and non-existent at worst, and in truth focuses on protecting betting rather than protecting sport, except as a by-product.

It is not focused on identifying the criminals who commit the crimes of betting fraud. However, you cannot reasonably expect such a global industry to police itself. That is why you have betting regulators, at least in some jurisdictions.

Moreover, national police struggle within a difficult international investigation environment. They naturally focus on the collection of evidence and on national prosecutions instead of on disrupting the multinational criminal enterprises involved and not as a matter of course on cooperating with sport and bettingin order to prevent match-fixing in the first place.

There are not many preventive police investigations on match-fixing that these global problems can be fixed alone by sport, governments, police, regulators or betting organisations. These twin problems are just too big, too global and too organised for anything but collective and multifaceted solutions to be successful at a global level.

The plain truth is that the corruption of competitions is marked by an absolute internationality in its commission, and by a vigorously growing influence from transnational organised crime. Moreover, theft from sport betting is stealing from a massive, essentially uncontrolled, international sport-gambling economy, which is primarily, but not exclusively, situated in South-East Asia.

As betting on sport is now a global activity, with many betting businesses operating from offshore locations offering bets on all forms of sport from internet, mobile and social network platforms, and still innovating newer platforms, the regulation and supervision must ultimately be global. Because these two issues are often viewed too simply and in a context that is too small, the solutions proposed are also far too simple and far too small.

For instance, anti-corruption training and awareness education within sport is essential, but requires proactive preventive investigation of sport and monitoring of both field play and progressive betting movements to be. Formally recognising the problem There are not many preventive police investigations on match-fixing or betting fraud.

Most such investigations are either retrospective or coincidental, in that police come across match-fixing while investigating unrelated organised crime. So what is there to be done by governments around the world? First, ministers and governments could formally recognise that there is a serious existing international problem with the corruption of sport competition results and with related betting fraud.

Second, they could formally recognise that this is a global phenomenon that should be solved by global action that is consistent and collective. Third, governments could formally recognise that the problem actually, or at least potentially, crosses all sports on an international level, meaning it has a huge impact. Fourth, governments could formally recognise that transnational organised crime is increasingly active in corrupting sport competition results and in committing international betting fraud.

Finally, and most importantly, governments should formally recognise that an independent and neutral international platform, or global compact of some design, that draws together key stakeholders for their collective protection should be considered. It should be an international platform that assists collective and collaborative action by facilitating global information.

Such an international platform would prevent the perfect storm that is gathering over the world of sport from wreaking havoc in the games and the economies that governments are here to try and protect. Winning and losing on a small island Gary Armstrong explores the interactions of football, politics and society in an intimate world, using Malta as a case study. This was not a surprise. As a nation of just over , citizens, defeats at an international level are expected.

These three defeats — all away from home — were, however, unusually heavy: an drubbing by the Republic of Ireland followed a defeat to the Netherlands. Days later, Malta lost to Spain by a margin. The defeat was expected, but not the scoreline. Accusations that the match was fixed came primarily from the Netherlands, who lost out on a place in the finals on goal difference to Spain, but similar accusations came from within Malta where football fans, long accustomed to accusing their co-patriots of throwing games in the domestic league, now had to contemplate the possibility of unsporting behaviour at the national level.

The scoreline caused consternation in UEFA circles, and even provoked calls in Maltese political circles for the national team to withdraw from international competitions. The Spain defeat had two consequences. The first was the establishment in Malta of a commission that is designed to examine the possibility of bribery and corruption around the fixture.

Chaired by a lawyer and consisting of Malta Football Association MFA representatives, journalists and supporters, the commission concluded that the defeat was due to inadequate preparation and fitness. A second consequence of the defeat was a new beginning for Maltese football, with. While results at the international level did not improve as much as hoped, it was more than 25 years before another accusation of match-fixing at the national level occurred. In that same time period, at the domestic level, accusations of match-fixing occurred monthly.

Anyone asking why has to look beyond the obvious: the seeking of financial favours in return for fixing the scoreline is an obvious motivation, but not the only one. A variety of socio-cultural factors are at play in Malta; not all outcomes are reducible to predatory betting syndicates or organised criminal networks.

Sometimes, the very nature of civil society offers a sense of legitimacy to those seeking to affect the outcome of a football match. When in the mids a British-born manager of a Maltese Premier League club returned to Britain publically criticising the corruption he had encountered in his position in Maltese football, he was vilified in sections of the Maltese press as an ignorant foreigner who had misunderstood the nature of both Maltese football and society.

The island is polarised around two political parties and around Anglo-Italianate football rivalries. There are few political and footballing neutrals in Malta. In this small and densely populated island, public figures, rather than being distant personalities that are known through the mass media, are intimately known as friends, patrons. Such intimacy brings with it issues that are not easily understood by those who enjoy the anonymity of large nations; most notably the dualism of concealment and disclosure.

In , a Public Broadcasting Service television presenter was suspended from his position for suggesting the existence of dubious practices in the local football leagues — issues that many close observers privately admitted to exist. This raised an issue crucial to accusations of match-fixing: what could be said, and with what consequences, and what could be proven? A static sameness in authority aids and abets time-serving, parasitic elements [who] appropriate power, even if they represent no electorate; it emarginates talent and potential, while simultaneously reducing vigour and enthusiasm.

However, there are few cases in which a footballer has been prosecuted for match-fixing. The same happened to Maltese international Lino Farrugia, who during the same period was reported to the MFA by his own club, taken to court and jailed. In , one player was banned from the game for life and he and a colleague jailed for two months. A decade later in , one player attempted to offer a financial inducement to another prior to a fixture while the conversation — unknown to the protagonist — was recorded on a mobile phone.

The player was banned from the game and his club relegated a division. This paucity of convictions has not, however, lessened the belief among fans, journalists, coaches and club presidents that football matches — indeed championships — in Malta are bought, not won7.

The more prominent chants at the football grounds over the past 30 years have included references to corruption. When a player fails to make a particular play — misses a tackle, misses. The latter two phrases connote a willingness to put personal and financial gain above the collective good of the team and, implicitly, the neighbourhood they represent. The former makes a blatant suggestion that organised crime has decided the outcome of the game.

But the game might also be said to manifest the wisdom that Maltese citizens receive in their upbringing: suspicion and criticism of the political milieu existing alongside praise for those who know how to work it. Limited resources require people to learn the contours of the system; in a win-lose culture such as football, the winning is a limited resource.

To succeed in life and in football personal relationships are needed, and this brings demands for reciprocity that complicate issues of ethics and avoidance. To many Maltese, public accountability is a myth. Politicians are expected to declare assets but there is no independent scrutiny.

Political party funding is not recorded. Late payment and tax avoidance is widespread; the Parliamentary Secretary to the Finance Ministry announced in that 35 per cent of citizens evaded tax, equating to hundreds of millions in lost revenues. The political milieu that sees elections won and lost on narrow margins stifles attempts to balance the budget. In , shortly before an election, some 8, potential voters of the opposition were given jobs working for the state.

These sinecures cost the nation millions, but they were effective in winning votes for the incumbent party and also the election. The intimacy of the nation militates against debates about impartiality and compromises those tasked with adjudicating.

That which is true for politics also applies to football. Reflections of values The true extent of corruption within Maltese football is not as important as the perceptions that exist, in as much as these reflect prevailing values. Questions on this topic in produced the following three diverse responses, which centred around the psyche of the Maltese.

Three goals were scored in the last 18 minutes. The outcome was one Maltese player — international Kevin Sammut pictured right — receiving a year worldwide ban from the game, having been found guilty of match-fixing. Two other Maltese players were acquitted. The banned player denied any wrongdoing. A diametrically opposed view held by many is that everything on the island can be bought, and that has always been the way. A culture of gambling Others offered causation in the Maltese penchant for gambling.

Gambling provides a constant focus for discernment, whether reading the numbers to look for future outcomes.

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